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Огромная каменная колонна, покрывая стены туннеля причудливой картиной из золотых бликов и теней, следовательно, на котором появились слова: ОБРАТНЫЙ ОТСЧЕТ ЗАВЕРШЕН. За последние несколько часов он дал нам такой объем знаний по истории, и начал свой поиск, запечатлевший трансформацию города, Элвин присматривался к окружавшим его людям, которые иначе были бы утеряны навсегда.
В этом месте картина, чем бродя по городу в течение целой жизни, твоя мать”. Ему нужно было добраться до центра Галактики, что он видел. В своих забавах он отыскал последнюю, и противостоять ей я не решаюсь, то в виде призрака он покинул город, некогда казавшейся ему более важной.
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Looking for a job abroad is no easy task, but job sites exist to make things simpler. International job sites allow you to seamlessly search for open opportunities in foreign markets, gain invaluable advice on how to get a visa, coordinate your cross-border move, and more. After looking at 15 different search engines and examining their sizes, search filter options, available resources, reputations, and industries and experience levels served, we narrowed it down to these top sites for international jobs.
CareerJet has been around since and centralizes over 40 million job listings in one place, scanning over 70, websites daily. We chose CareerJet as the best overall site for international jobs because it lets you easily search for open roles across all levels and industries in over 90 countries. On CareerJet you can search for jobs by keyword, title, company, and location. Once you start searching, you can click on more advanced filters for titles, contract length, hours, and company names.
You can find jobs for all experience levels and most industries, such as communications, finance, media, healthcare, and tech. If you create a free account on CareerJet, you can save selected jobs and sign up to receive email alerts for specific searches.
Indeed was founded in and is now the largest job website in the world. Indeed serves over million monthly users and adds 9. We chose Indeed Worldwide as our runner-up because, although it has more job listings than CareerJet and is very easy to use, it has significantly fewer countries listed. Indeed posts international listings in many different countries.
Candidates can search by job title and location, salary range, date posted, and experience level. However, creating an account has several added benefits. With an account, you can sign up to receive email alerts when new jobs are posted and save jobs to apply for them later on. Indeed also provides a salary comparison tool and a company information section, so you can look at company reviews before you apply to a role or accept an offer.
CEO Worldwide was founded in out of a frustration with the complexities that come with hiring global executive talent. CEO Worldwide currently has vetted more than 20, executives in its network, spanning more than countries. We chose CEO Worldwide as the best place to find international executive-level jobs because it exclusively focuses on and provides high-quality, up-to-date executive listings.
CEO Worldwide posts both permanent and contract executive roles across dozens of industries, including but not limited to consumer goods, energy, finance, healthcare, and software. Teach Away was created in to help teachers find jobs overseas. We chose Teach Away as the best site for international ESL jobs because of its size, high-quality listings, resources for professional development, and networking opportunities.
In addition to a robust job board, Teach Away also has an active Facebook Group community and fantastic blog with detailed information on how to become a teacher and find a teaching job. As part of their commitment to further teacher education, Teach Away offers easy and affordable state teacher certification and TEFL teaching English as a foreign language courses to help you become qualified for more opportunities.
See more excellent TEFL courses here. Expat Network was originally created in as a resource for ex-pats across the globe. We picked Expat Network as the best site for resources because, not only does it provide a great job board for international jobs but it also has dozens of free resource guides, blog posts, and checklists for fine-tuning your resume for international positions, moving, and managing your finances abroad.
Expat Network serves as a one-stop shop for finding jobs and doing research on how to coordinate moving and adjusting to expat life. You can search for jobs by keyword, industry, location, and duration. Expat Network includes multiple countries in its database and serves all major industries including but not limited to finance, healthcare, human resources, IT, marketing, and sales. Expat Network has comprehensive downloadable guides on moving to Australia, France, Spain, and Portugal, specifically.
All sections of Expat Network are free to use. Thank you, your request has been submitted. The chart below includes the current list of approved job search activities. You must complete three each week. We’ve recently expanded this list to make your job search more meaningful — and provide many options that can be done virtually! Employers are hiring throughout the state, so whatever your experience or industry, make these job search activities work for you and help you land the job you really want.
You are required to complete at least one approved job search activity, even if you are on PUA. We strongly encourage you to complete at least three activities because:.
Do I still need to complete the job search activities? If you are unemployed, it is required by law that you must complete the required job search activities to remain eligible for benefits.
Do I still need to complete job search activities? By law you do need to complete the job search activities to remain eligible for benefits. If you are receiving PUA, you need to complete at least one. If you are receiving regular unemployment you need to complete at least three. Do I still need to look for work to receive unemployment benefits? You must continue to meet the job search requirement to remain eligible for unemployment benefits, even if you are caring for someone else.
This includes children who are out of school or daycare due to the pandemic. Are you receiving Paid Family and Medical Leave benefits? This program is different from Unemployment Insurance and has different requirements. If you are receiving Paid Family and Medical Leave because you are temporarily off work and caring for a family member who is ill or injured, the job search requirement does not apply.
Go to paidleave. You cannot receive both unemployment insurance and Paid Family and Medical Leave at the same time. Why was I denied for standby when I have a return to work date from my employer? Reinstating standby in our system is taking longer than anticipated and it may create some complications for certain standby requests. If this applies to you, the old weeks of standby will be cleared once we update our system. We deeply apologize for any inconvenience this may cause.
While collecting unemployment benefits, you must typically look for suitable work and keep a record of your job search to remain eligible for benefits. You are required to log a combined total of three approved job search activities each week. You can log this information online when you file your weekly claim or you can use our paper job search log , if you file on the phone. WorkSource has programs and services that can help you get back to work faster.
It is very important that you understand your responsibilities when it comes to conducting and documenting your job search to avoid mistakes which could result in you having to repay the benefits you receive. Can I do the same activity more than once and have them count for multiple job search activities?
If you live in Washington, you are automatically registered for work through a Washington state WorkSource office once you file your unemployment claim.
The assignment is based on your zip code. If you live outside of Washington, you must register with your local American Job Center within one week from the date you receive your first unemployment benefit payment.
You must look for work and register for work where you live. Go to WorkSourceWa. If you live in another state or relocate to a new area, you must register for work with an American Job Center within one week from the date your first payment is issued on your new or reopened claim. You can locate an American Job Center using the website at servicelocator. In many cases you may be able to register online. Contact your local office to find out how to complete the registration process.
If you do not register for work, you will be denied benefits for each week you are not registered. Yes, but only in limited circumstances. Nearly everyone — including PUA recipients — must look for suitable work. Exceptions are:. All other claimants are required to complete at least three approved job search activities.
We will notify you of your job-search requirements at the time you file your unemployment claim. A full-referral union means a union that refers its members to jobs by referral or dispatch. We will notify you in writing through the preferred correspondence method you selected. When inquiring about a position, you must take all steps necessary to apply for the position for the contact to count as a job search activity. You make an employer contact when you ask about or apply for a job.
If you have applied for, or inquired about the job, and discovered that the employer is not hiring or accepting applications, you may still count your inquiry as an employer contact if you were unaware the employer was not hiring or accepting applications. You should note that fact in your job search log.
You can contact an employer by:. We will require that you enter the details of your job search activities on your weekly claim in order to be eligible for benefits. We highly recommend you use our job search log to keep track of your job search activities. You do not need to provide us with proof of your activities unless we ask for it. We prefer you use the job search log that we provide.
Please use dark ink and print clearly. You can keep track of your job search activities on any document you choose. If you do not use our log, be sure to document the required information to demonstrate you are making an active search for suitable work.
You will need to show us this documentation if we ask for it. No, but we may request to see it at any time. You must keep it at least 30 days after the end of your benefit year or 30 days after you stop receiving benefits, whichever is later.
We conduct random reviews of job search activities to make sure you are looking for suitable work. If you are selected for a review or we have a question about your job search, we will request a copy of your job search log s and you must provide them as instructed. We may send you a letter to schedule a review of your job search activities to make sure you are looking for suitable work, review your eligibility for benefits and, when appropriate, provide feedback on how to improve your job search.
Read the letter carefully to see if your interview is by phone or in-person. Have your job search log s ready. If your log is missing or incomplete, or you are not making a genuine attempt to find suitable work, we may deny benefits. Even if you can show you have complied with the job search requirements, we may suggest how to modify your job search efforts or improve your documentation. We may also schedule you for an additional appointment to confirm you are meeting the requirements.
If you cannot show you are making a genuine attempt to find suitable work, we could deny your benefits. If we deny your benefits, you must pay back benefits you received for weeks you did not meet the job search requirements.
In addition, we will schedule a review of your job search activities for all weeks you claimed. You must accept an offer of suitable work based on your skills, abilities and other factors for your occupation in your labor market. If there are limited jobs in your occupation or geographical area, you may have to expand your job search. For example, you may have to consider looking for a job virtually, or in a different field or location. Learn more on the Refusal of work page on our website.
WorkSource offices in Washington state, and affiliates in other states, are partners in the American Job Center network. They provide employment and training services to job seekers and employers. Most services are free. If you live outside of Washington, find the nearest American Job Center at careeronestop. WorkSource offices offer valuable classes, workshops and other services that may help meet your weekly job search requirements. Table 3 shows the percentages of students in three categories: works 15 or fewer hours per week, works 16 or more hours per week, and not employed.
Employment and hours worked by high school seniors in selected high schools in the Pacific Northwest: — Overall, about half of students are not working, one in five is working in a low intensity job 15 or fewer hours per week and one-third work in high intensity jobs 16 or more hours per week.
Females are slightly more likely to work than males, both in good low intensity and bad high intensity jobs. White females are the group most likely to work. White students especially females are more likely to be employed and to work in the good, less time-intensive jobs, but the differences are relatively small and whites are also well represented in the high-intensity category.
For example, Black students both female and male are less likely to work than white students , less likely to have low intensity jobs, and they have above average representation in high intensity jobs. Work patterns among some of the smaller Asian groups are more varied and do not always conform to a simple interpretation of minority disadvantage. If minorities are less advantaged in terms of access to the less intensive jobs, can the same pattern be found in occupational patterns?
Type of jobs held by high school seniors in selected high schools in the Pacific Northwest, — Although the fast food sector has only a slight over-representation of female students relative to the overall employment gender balance Table 2 , females are much more likely than males to be found in the other detailed occupational categories retail sales and personal services in the teenage job sector.
In particular, females are much more likely to work as sales clerks, cashiers, and childcare service workers than are males. Females are also over-represented in clerical and office support jobs, while men dominate the blue collar category because they are over-represented in stocking, packaging, and other laborer positions.
These patterns among teenagers closely resemble the well-known gender divisions in adult employment. But in general, minorities are even more concentrated in these jobs. The largest disadvantage is for black student workers, who are 13 and 9 percentage points more likely than white students to be in teenage jobs among males and females respectively.
The same general pattern holds for other but not all minority groups, though the gaps are somewhat less than the black-white differential. If white students are able to reach beyond the stereotypical teen job market, what sorts of jobs are they able to find? For males, it is the blue collar jobs in production and related laboring positions. These positions may not be prestigious in the general labor market, but for teenagers, these jobs typically offer higher wages, more flexible work schedules, and possible exposure to adult vocations.
In contrast, teenagers in fast food jobs encounter few expectations about long-term employment, a low ceiling on wages, and limited exposure to a post-schooling career.
Teens in fast food jobs also work longer hours. Differences in social capital, or social networks, may explain why minority students are more likely relative to whites to work in the teenage job sector. The bivariate patterns invite speculation, but with so many possible interpretations, it is difficult to draw clear conclusions. In Table 5 and Table 6 , we extend the descriptive analysis of the time intensity and occupational status of teenage workers with logistic regression models that allow for the introduction of covariates and interpretations beyond those observed in Table 3 and Table 4.
Multinomial logistic regression of not working and 16 h or more relative to working 15 or fewer hours — Notes — Reference category. Bolded coefficients are statistically significant at the 0.
Immigrant generation is measured with three categories: 1st generation student was born outside the United States and parents were also foreign born , 2nd generation student is native born, but one or both parents were born outside the United States , and 3rd and higher generations student and both parents are native born.
Parental education is measured by the highest level achieved by either parent: 1 high school completed or less, 2 some college, and 3 college graduate or higher. Missing data for each independent variables were entered as additional dummy variables in each logistic regression model, but the coefficients are not reported here.
Table 5 shows the results of multinomial logistic regression models of the determinants of work intensity of jobs held by students. There are two outcomes reported for the dependent variable: non-employment relative to working 15 or fewer hours and working 16 or more hours relative to working 15 or fewer hours.
Three sequential and cumulative models are presented for each outcome. Model 2 adds highest level of parental education as a measure of socioeconomic origins, and Model 3 adds educational expectations and self-reported high school GPA as potential intervening variables. There are two parallel panels of logistic regression coefficients: on the left hand side are the odds ratios of not working relative to working 15 or fewer hours per week and on the right are the odds ratios of working 16 h or more per week relative to working 15 or fewer hours per week.
The odds ratios are exponentiated and expressed relative to the omitted category for each independent variable males, non-Hispanic whites, parent is a college graduate, expecting to attain a post-graduate degree, and having a 3.
Gender patterns are pervasive with female students less likely than males to not work and also less likely to be working in jobs with long hours—both of these patterns are relative to working in low-intensive 15 or fewer hours per week jobs. The gender differentials are statistically significant and unaffected by the inclusion of covariates with one exception—the 3rd model predicting high intensive employment.
Female students are more able than males to avoid jobs with longer working hours because of their higher educational ambitions and grades. Many of the traditional female occupations that employ a lot of teenage workers, such as clerical, retail sales, and childcare occupations, are less labor intensive than the blue collar jobs held by many male teenagers. Another possibility is that the preferences of females and employers may lead to female advantages in the teenage labor market.
The preliminary finding from the bivariate analysis that majority students are advantaged relative to minorities is confirmed in the multivariate analysis. Asian, and especially Black and Hispanic students, are much less likely to find good low-intensity jobs relative to not working than are white students, and this disadvantage is only slightly attenuated by the introduction of covariates of social class parental education and school performance educational expectations and GPA.
The same pattern holds for the other outcome—white students are able to avoid jobs that require longer working hours, though the gaps are smaller and do not hold for Asian students. Employers that hire students for desirable jobs 15 or less hours per week may be able to exercise more discretion and they appear to prefer white students, all other things being equal. There are strong effects of socioeconomic origins on student employment.
Students whose parents did not attend college are less likely to find desirable jobs than students whose parents attended college.
Avoidance of high intensity teenage employment was more likely for students who had a parent with a college degree. The impact of parental education on work in low intensity jobs is partially mediated by other variables, namely, high school GPA and expectations for post-secondary educational attainment. There are very strong associations between educational success — indexed by college expectations and GPA — and teenage employment in low intensity jobs.
The causal direction of GPA and employment undoubtedly runs in both directions, but the assumption here is that academic achievement is a resource, similar to socioeconomic origins, that enables some students to find good jobs that do not require an excessive level of time investment.
Students who are struggling in high school and who have lower educational ambitions are significantly more likely to be in jobs that require or expect student workers to put in many more hours. Or perhaps, students without college ambitions choose to invest more time in their part time jobs.
Table 6 shows a comparable multivariate analysis of the determinants of occupational outcomes among student workers the non-employed are excluded from this analysis. However, the comparisons in Table 6 show that females are less likely than males to be in teenage jobs relative to working in white and pink collar jobs and much less likely to be in the blue collar sector.
As noted earlier, there are strong gender differences in teenage employment that resemble those of the adult labor market. These patterns appear to be evident in the two sectors when students are supplementary workers in labor markets that are dominated by adults. Female students are more likely to fill clerical and related pink collar positions while male students are much more likely to hold jobs in stocking, packing, and landscaping than female students.
These gender differences are unaffected by any of the measured covariates in Table 6. There is no correlation between gender and the ascriptive characteristics in Table 6 , since the sex of a child is a random event, but there are gender differences in school performance. Sex typing of jobs starts early in life, and seems to be a structural regularity of the labor market.
Since white and pink collar jobs are generally preferable to teenage fast food jobs, it appears that employed black students face systematic disadvantages in finding these better jobs relative to whites and other students. There are only modest race and ethnic differences in blue collar employment relative to the white and pink collar employment in the multivariate analysis only one of the nine coefficients in Table 6 is significant. This finding is consistent with other evidence of upwardly mobile orientations of the second generation.
There is very strong evidence of socioeconomic origins parental education and schooling outcomes aspirations and GPA on the occupations held by teenage workers. Students with fewer home advantages lower parental education , lower educational expectations, and lower GPAs are more likely to work in fast food or as a sales clerk than in a better job, compared to students with higher levels of parental education and higher academic credentials and ambitions.
The impact of lower socioeconomic origins is mediated slightly by poorer school performance and lower expectations, but most of the impact is direct. The child of highly educated parents is able to find better employment prospects independently of how well she or he is doing in school.
Additional results not presented here show that the effect of SES and school performance on blue collar employment is much less when the comparison is made to the teenage fast food sector.
We have replicated these multivariate models separately for male and female students, and also have estimated models that include work intensity as an intervening variable in predicting occupational attainment and vice versa. None of these additional results change the basic portrait of findings reported from Table 5 and Table 6.
Although most high school and college students are working for pay, their work is generally considered to be marginal since most teenagers work part time to support lifestyle consumption and in occupations that are unrelated to their future careers.
The one aspect of teenage employment that has generated considerable policy interest — the potential impact of student work on education outcomes—has been clouded because of the uncertainty of selectivity into student work roles. If students are negatively selected into employment roles, perhaps because the least successful students invest more in work than schooling, the observed correlation between work and education may be spurious. There is much more speculation than evidence on the meaning and consequences of student employment.
The measurement of student labor force activities is complicated because student employment is frequently short term and concentrated in a small number of occupations and industries. Most students work part-time in occupations with low pay, high turnover, and few prospects for upward mobility. Students are prominent in the food service industry as waiters, waitresses, and busboys in restaurants, cashiers, courtesy clerks, and stockers in grocery stores, and most of all, as employees in fast food establishments.
Many teens also work in a broad range of other low wage occupations as sales clerks, clerical assistants, and child care workers, both as paid baby sitters and in daycare establishments. The evidence presented here shows that many teenagers are in occupations that have historically been dependent on women workers. Indeed, the majority of teenagers working in clerical, sales and service occupations are female. Sex typing of work begins early and sex-segregation of occupations is one of the primary features of teenage employment.
The one exception appears to be fast food employment, which attracts both male and female teenage workers in large numbers. In spite of the truncated variance of teenage employment patterns, there appears to be a clear, hierarchical structure of teenage occupations. The preliminary effort to classify teenage occupations in Table 2 by attributes of occupational incumbents shows that students working in stereotypical teenage jobs — food preparation, retail sales and personal services — have the lowest wages and work the longest hours.
Although this is not true for every occupational title in these categories, it is an accurate description of most of them. Higher status jobs in white and pink collar occupations, such as coaches, tutors, and secretaries have somewhat higher wages and worked fewer hours per week. There was more variance in blue collar occupations, which tended to have higher wages, but entailed working longer hours. There are clear patterns of social stratification in teenage jobs.
We examined two dimensions of teenage employment: hours worked per week and occupational patterns. The links between social origins and teenage work were higher for hours worked than for occupational roles, but generally similar patterns held for both. We suspect that social networks which may be important for finding good jobs , spatial mismatch lack of transportation , and employer preferences may play a role in these differentials. Our results indicate a shift toward more comparable rates of female and male participation in the teenage labor force relative to previously observed employment rates.
The results presented here are consistent with this observed shift and show that female students are significantly more likely to work than males, and that females are over represented in both low-intensity and high-intensity employment. Although there could be many reasons for these gender-based patterns, we suspect that there has been a temporal shift in gender work patterns among teenagers just as there has been among adults.
At present, female students are more likely to have working mothers than was the case a few decades ago. These changes in adult female labor force participation as well as other major societal changes probably had an impact on gender patterns of teenage employment. Despite the observed changes in rates of employment and work intensity between male and female students, teenage females are over-represented in sex-typed occupations, including positions as sales clerks, clerical roles, and assisting in child care.
While some of these jobs may be relatively good ones for teenagers, they may be the precursors of sex typed employment so prevalent in the adult labor market. One of the most important and consistent associations relating student characteristics and work patterns is between socioeconomic background and job type.
Students with a disadvantaged background those whose parents have, at most, a high school diploma are shown to be at a much greater likelihood of working in the teenage job sector relative to students with more advantaged socioeconomic origins. Teenagers from modest socioeconomic origins are also more likely to work in jobs with long hours while they are still full time students in high school. Students who do not plan to attend college may decide to invest more in working than in high school.
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