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Being well known is a condition that should protect him, as local thieves would avoid upsetting him in front of the community. Significantly, independently of police involve- ment in the case, everyone in the settlement soon knew who the thieves were. The following day, neighbours of the three men came to the store to relate what they knew about the men and where they could be found. They had heard about the crime and associated the descriptions with motorcycle riders who moved in recently from the city, then living in shacks at one of the newer squatting areas.
To avoid these acts of revenge, the police often kill criminals with more serious records on the way to the station and report the death as the consequence of a shoot out.
Here we see that, in a similar way to the case of YouTube videos, the diffusion of the story in this case, the details about the crime and its perpetrators could circulate freely as long as locals hide their personal identities.
These interests show other reasons why collective conversations happen as part of private exchanges. These include a communal monitoring of morality and attacks on individual- ism. When locals use Facebook, they are often more concerned about what is not shown than in what is made explicit, and the same thing is true outside of social media. She had not been killed or involved in an acci- dent, so locals correctly deduced that she died of a health issue.
The fact that the family had kept this information secret during the previous months and now avoided revealing the name of the disease prompted people to speculate, gossip and exchange and collect bits and pieces of information gathered informally from family members, work colleagues, neighbours and others who knew her.
Having a very low level of literacy and no professional training, Lyn worked as a money collector on one of the many informal transporta- tion vans used by locals to move to and from nearby settlements. Every day these vans circulate dozens of times along certain defined routes.
However, Lyn was also remembered in the settlement or another reason. She has been an attractive girl who had engaged in casual sexual experiences from an early age. She had suddenly fainted while at work in the van. When you want to know anything about me, come and ask me directly. Go wash your dishes.
Sexually transmit- ted diseases are spreading silently in the settlement, as a health agent explained to me, citing informally the confidential results of tests car- ried out locally.
However, on seeing others from the settlement queuing to collect the same medicine, she gave up the treat- ment, supposedly to avoid being shamed and socially ostracised.
Her infection with AIDS was probably the reason why she fainted at work. Yet, even with this debilitating condition, she managed to keep her secret until the end; it is not clear when her family found out about her illness.
Conclusion Social media draws a lot of attention from Brazilians of low socioeco- nomic backgrounds. However, the reasons for this interest have been only poorly investigated. This historically sub- ordinate stratum of society is more often talked about than allowed to speak directly, restricting its ability to reach public spheres beyond the local domain.
Because of the strong class divisions in the country, a foreign corre- spondent with whom I spoke with during the early months of this research mentioned how strangely familiar to him, coming from Europe, was the Facebook communication of the Brazilians he had met, mostly educated, cosmopolitan and from the middle and upper class.
Locals upload photos of their children, the inside of their homes and scenes from their work places, as well as of family celebra- tions. These posts often show them with motorcycles or cars, wearing fashionable clothing, holding expensive electronic products, consum- ing imported drinks, wearing work uniforms to display their employed status , eating out, working out at the gym or simply holding money.
That is why in the beginning, as I spoke with informants, I constantly expressed my worries about thieves being able to see the expensive equipment they have at home or that paedophiles could target their children. Apparently they posted every- thing publicly because they did not know about other more sophisticated uses, and could not really appreciate the consequences of their actions.
But this changed after six months in the field, when I finally gained access to their direct exchanges. As I argue in the first section of this chapter, these traditional modes of behaving include ways of making communication invisible. Like dimmer switches that regulate the visibility in a room, indirects bring personal matters to be discussed outside of the protected area of private exchanges, but they do so in a protected manner. There were always private and public worlds that were fun- damental both to the socialisation of young people and to the morality of adults.
However, these do not correspond simply to conventional mean- ings of private and public. We began by considering the way young people were brought up, within what at first seems a clearly distinct pub- lic area. The place where they were beaten and reprimanded in public view is in opposition to the private arena of the domestic world, and of the peripheral areas of the settlement.
This is significant because now photographing and shar- ing this material are no longer part of an experiment that depends on the intermediation of the researcher. The images you will see in this chapter, apart from Fig. Yet given how widespread visual communication is on social media, it is surprising how little of this content appears in research about the internet. From children to older adults, they use phones to carry and exchange files: music, video clips and photographs.
It is not, however, the intention of this chapter to contribute to the vast body of work produced in the last few decades about visual anthro- pology, anthropology and photography and anthropology and film. Firstly, this is not a conventional piece that addresses issues of memory, representation, affect, presence and history, often dialoguing with semi- nal work such as Barthes,4 Sontag5 and Benjamin.
Furthermore, while anthropologists have made relevant contributions to the debate about digital photography,7 the focus here is not on the consequences of visual content on social media. Instead the analysis will prioritise the comparison of the genres that emerge from the postings and the interpretations that locals provide about this material. Sharing videos and memes simplifies the act of expressing opinion or commenting on events.
Since the computer is commonly associated with modernity and progress, the person who manages to use it is invested with these same attributes, and is consequently perceived as having better formal education. These visual metaphors help to distinguish the social relations and tensions happening in the settlement.
Consequently the two main sections of the chapter separate the visual content exchanged openly from that sent directly to individuals or small groups. Online posts of this kind are thus generally meant to be seen by neighbours they see on the streets. Not unlike living rooms with windows fac- ing the streets, Facebook timelines become a way of displaying moral values.
Finally, between these two opposing domains is a shadowed space on social media which mixes ele- ments of both: exposing hidden tensions, but doing so anonymously.
The most common case is indirects indiretas , which are so popular that there are Facebook pages dedicated to producing memes for this purpose. The most recent 20 posts that included a visual element on their Facebook timelines were then classified by keywords in order to identify recurring themes. The different themes present in each section emerged from identifying the most frequently recurrent visual content in circulation, both in the open and privately.
The initial process of recording the sample of images enabled me to see beyond my preconceived ideas to include content that did not initially catch my attention. It is there we learn what people are interested in, regardless of whether the subject is dangerous or morally or legally problematic.
Young users may post on their Facebook timelines two or three times a day and follow what their con- tacts are doing there, but they will then remain connected for more hours exchanging direct messages. If a person is typing, she or he can dis- cuss any subject even if they are physically close to other people.
This activity then evokes topics of conversation, which produces more circulation of files. However, he was an outsider, unknown in the settlement; as Chapter 6 explains, it is rare for local acts of crime to be shared openly. On the other hand, more visually disturbing content is less carefully handled, simply because it does not involve people from the set- tlement.
These less sensitive exchanges demand less caution, so they take place through broadcast WhatsApp messages or inside WhatsApp groups. A horrible video clip of a teenager being bullied, undressed and beaten is thus generally seen and forwarded more broadly, just like a porn file or a humorous image meme: the event happened elsewhere and the people shown are strangers.
The following case describes the context in which some photos of locals circulate in the settlement. One day I was talking to Roberto, a young evangelical Christian, about WhatsApp use, and also about the violence that often happens in or near the settlement. According to local accounts I have no official figures on more violent weeks two or more murdered bodies may be found in the settlement.
He learned from his brother that the dead man was a bully who recently had come from Salvador and was living in a shack at a recent squatting area.
The rumours circulating also mention that a woman pretended to want to have sex with him so that others could attack him naked, and consequently unarmed. Roberto added that he does not keep this type of file; after he has finished showing and discussing the case he erases it from his phone.
In so doing he seeks to keep his distance from any possible consequences that the crime could produce. Outside trusted circles he will deny that he has seen or heard about the murder. The relevance of a certain file, or a certain type of file, is evident through how broadly shared it may become.
For instance, the tension that WhatsApp is bringing to local families has been captured on various vid- eos. These group conversa- tions happen through the exchange of files, which is also a special type of ethnographic evidence: one made by and for this population. Politics is also impor- tant, but only during months leading up to elections. However, not all the content that I collected can be published in this book.
Many clips have explicit sexual content or scenes of violence that are deeply disturbing, and it is sufficient to give a written overview of them. Sex clips and images are not exclusively or even pre- dominantly shared by men, as one might expect. One of the amateur files shows informatively the process in which a clitoris is cos- metically pierced. Other recordings are pornographic in nature but not intended to produce sexual excitement; instead they work as idioms rep- resenting certain ideas or views, and occasionally stimulating conversa- tions on certain topics.
Among the most common types of video shared by adult females during some months were those featuring painful anal penetration or transsexuals with attractive feminine features and sur- prisingly, in the narrative of the videos large penises.
These two recur- rent types of content hinged on the topic of machismo and of how men in the region create problems for women. These files display people that embody visions about backwardness, particularly to teens and young people Figs 3. Predominantly amateur videos made using smartphones, these show mostly older people displaying signs of physical degradation, especially a lack of frontal teeth, and often drunkenness.
However, what is con- sidered laughable is not only the display of elements perceived as ugly and decadent, but also a spontaneity, an openness about sexuality for instance old people talking, singing about or performing sex , a sense of humour even in relation to his or her own degradation and a sense of enjoyment of life.
Hence the popularity of these videos may also indicate how the people watching may be not just laughing at them but also with them. In so doing they are both negating but also identifying with these expressions of backwardness. Dancing, sometimes involving children, could be viewed as a sub- category among the representations of the popular domain. However, I have separated them here due to the high quantity of videos on this topic Figs 3.
Even the dancers who are alone perform sexual movements. Again, this specific material produces an ambiguous per- ception. It is important to keep in mind how the images analysed so far are contrasted to the following material, which circulates openly on Facebook.
Most of this material is kept in picture albums or boxes stored in closets or drawers and looked after by adults. Such recordings of the modern and prosperous self often occur through continuously sharing large quantities of images taken in private settings.
What is interesting is the time invested in making these photos, and the particular elements in the picture that are either brought forth or erased. Teenagers especially make great efforts to show neatness, for exam- ple, by constantly using spell checkers before posting content publicly and by avoiding capturing scenes associated with poverty. Young people in particular can be very ashamed of having adult relatives who do not value educa- tion.
Similarly the view of unfinished brick walls Fig. Photos are thus purposely taken with neutral backgrounds such as inside painted walls. Hair is often straightened and shows a fringe In the following examples, displaying beauty means focusing on the hair Figs 3. These are highly posed and crafted photos.
Many young people take these photos in front of the mir- ror, enabling them to display their smartphones in the image. Figs 3. These allow photos to be taken of the whole body, displaying together items such as tennis shoes, watches and smartphones. The expectation of receiving complimentary comments and likes Attracting attention through likes and comments is an important part of being online. These portraits are shared under the expectation of captur- ing attention, which is manifested through short comments saying how pretty the person looks Figs 3.
However, their portraits often reveal their inexperience with photographing and being pho- tographed though this tends to improve over time as they practice using social media. Instead of selfies, the photo is more often taken by another person while the subjects pose formally, as one would see in old family pho- tos or images taken for ID cards.
From my perspective the results are less aesthetically accomplished than those of the younger people in the settle- ment, but the preoccupation with finding neutral backgrounds is recurrent. The opposite of cool The social pressures to show neatness also appear clearly when this aspiration to beauty and perfection is denied. She also has a mischevious streak, on one occasion taking a photo of her older sister Sara asleep on the sofa and posting it on Facebook.
Sara woke up later to find her Facebook profile filled with messages from friends, rel- atives and even people she did not know making fun of her. Instead of publishing it immediately, however, she decided first to torment her sister by showing her the photo. Displaying enjoyment If we follow also what adults post, we can see how this desire to look attractive and prosperous blends together.
A topic that illustrates this well is the sharing of images that display enjoyment. Such photos sug- gest that one has the money to consume beyond mere survival. However, sharing photos displaying celebration also relates to a tension in the locality about the meaning of wealth. However, it also relates to opposing perspectives between young people who prefer formal employment and adults who resist formal work structures as something that enslaves the person.
The perception is that prosperity can only be achieved in exchange for a discipline of work that has great impacts on family life and what is seen as personal freedom. More recent migrants arrive to fulfil the work demands of tourist resorts that are open around the year. Working there provides advantages, such as having a steady wage and becoming eligible for government unem- ployment benefits.
However, it also imposes high costs on the effort of raising families, with children and other relatives being left behind during working hours and days. Hotel demands peak in the summer during school holidays , and are also higher on weekends and holi- days. Those working in this industry, especially women, have to get used to being away from their homes, and to cope with complaints and pressure from partners and older relatives, who often believe they should stick to traditional roles, caring for the home and children.
Swimming pools, sandy beaches and alcohol In terms of showing enjoyment through prosperity, one of the most pop- ular locations for taking photos is the swimming pool Figs 3. Visiting pools often results from friendships with housekeepers, or in some cases with bosses or former bosses who are the owners of these country houses. Although it is implicit that the per- son in the photo does not own the pool, the photos challenge the ste- reotypical image of the worker as submissive, unpretentious and poor.
Drinking alcohol Figs 3. Evangelical Christians and young people in general also display the consumption of fast food products, which tie them to the modern urban world Fig.
The images show that he or she is able to afford to go to fast food restaurants and to order these products as paying customers. Displaying bonds The topic of enjoyment is also related to the enjoyment of being with people. The images below Figs 3. Branded clothing is key as it represents not just that the person is dressing up, but that he or she can afford to spend beyond survival to dress up. Together with the ostentatious hip-hop style, Christianity is also dis- played through fashion and practices.
This position is backed by Figs 3. Not many couples share photos of themselves together, and those that do tend to be evangelical Christians. One of the ways in which they display their devotion to God is by portraying their fidelity within marriage.
One may express this by uploading wedding pictures. These formal celebrations, for the costs they imply and for being a practice more associated with wealthier sectors of society, are also displaying aspirations and prosperity Fig. Young unmarried couples who show themselves online Fig.
The presence of evangelical Christian churches influences the general perception about what families are and how family members are expected to behave.
Fathers, who are traditionally less directly involved in raising children, appear and display themselves on social media. A man will demonstrate intimacy, as well as modernity, in the contact with his children and partner, emulating the structure of nuclear families Fig.
Such values are represented by the abundance of food in evidence, and also by the vibrant colours of the sweets and decoration. By following a similar dress code evangelical Christians can identify each other both on and offline, and show their faith and commitment to the church. The act of promoting Christianity happens as they share personal testimonies of the works of God in their lives. Offline we see this practice during church services and as part of everyday life, through informants constantly mentioning and talking about religion.
As well as displaying prosperity and moral elevation, evangelical Christians display their faith on these plat- forms by sharing moral and religious memes Figs 3. It does not refer to a specific platform, but rather a disposition to use social media to reach a certain audience, often with the motivation of showing off personal and family progress and values.
In this context the indireta is a hybrid genre and, as Chapter 2 shows, it offers a way for people to negotiate conflicts. In visual postings indiretas also relate to a practice of communica- tion in which people make conflicts public without directly referring to the other person the adversary involved in the problem. The fear of revenge is normally what limits the cases of direct confrontation between people with opposing interests.
Economic prosperity is also a recurrent motivation for gossip. Locals circulate rumours about how the wealth of others is the product of prostitution or crime, which can escalate into an indirect confrontation. The person under attack then writes on social media that the malicious gossip is motivated by jealousy.
The com- mon argument is that others are circulating lies as a way to attack his or her accomplishments. For locals memes are a popular method of flagging tensions that exist in their lives, both through humour and moralising content and as ways to promote or reinforce social norms.
Loss of trust The loss of trust is usually related to gossiping. It refers to the situation of learning or deducing that someone whom a person considered a friend was spreading rumours or lies about him or her Figs 3.
The memes below address this issue. Religious differences These conflicts also happen in the context of religious differences. Within the church tensions can be seen emerging in Facebook postings when issues arise over inappropriate as well as appropriate behaviours. Tensions are generated among young people, especially Fig. This happened in Bahia. Very sad this situation. Wake up Brazil! One image and accompanying message Fig.
Other images posted by evangelical Christians comment upon the state of moral decline they perceive in their country, often focused upon family breakdown, social and domestic issues and crime Figs 3.
Sometimes genera- tional conflicts are the main target, as in Fig. Conclusion The first element to stress from this chapter is that people are the cen- tre of attention in the settlement. This appears to have been a com- mon practice even before mobile connectivity simplified the act of post- ing images online. The analytical tool proposed here separates the visual material that has been collected by contrasting initially two motivations for social media use.
Another aim has been to show the images they share more frequently through social media interactions. Looking further at the types of visual content going around the set- tlement, the difference that emerges immediately relates to intended audi- ences. Indiretas usually respond to situations of conflict, scandal or gossip. When it comes to images, memes that express indiretas often defend high moral standards and a moral right to prosperity while resenting the loss of trust and solidarity.
Comparing these three types of content helps us to understand the roles these exchanges play in a context of intense social change. Locals are continuously looking back at traditions and contrasting them with the new possibilities now at hand in relation to family, gender, work, reli- gion, sexuality and class. However, it is only by considering how these different types of content represent aspects of the same reality, circulating through the same mobile phones and comput- ers, that we can understand both who these emergent Brazilians are and why social media means so much to them.
The first section looks at the broad support networks that exist beyond direct family connec- tions. Next we consider how social media has impacted on how people find, keep or break romantic partnerships. This is of particular importance given the intensity with which locals discuss social media in relation to infidelity.
The last section deals with the effects social media has in the relationship between parents and offspring. This theme is often interconnected with the understanding that the state is partially respon- sible for this situation, as it is now legally forbidden for people under 16 to work and for minors under 18 to go to prison if they break the law.
Outsiders, the older residents argue, par- ticularly those from cities, bring in bad ideas and attitudes; they teach the local youth to be materialistic, promiscuous and lazy. This apparent contradiction is useful to start a section about intimate rela- tionships outside of the family domain. What exactly do locals mean by this and what kind of knowledge do they actu- ally have of every other person?
However, the most common type of information they presented were various kinds of associations connecting themselves and people passing. I noted generally three categories of proximity. She typically would visit a roster of patients in different assisted living communities, but the novel coronavirus pandemic has changed the daily rhythm of her job and the needs she is trying to meet.
Now she spends most of her time on the phone — often with family members who are worried about loved ones they can no longer see. She encourages new ways to connect with their loved ones, whether through technology or care packages or regular visits to the window to say hello. And she helps them identify meaningful ways to honor their loved one when they die, as most in-person memorial services have been put on hold. Choose a date on the calendar to remember them and light a purple candle.
She also runs a monthly bereavement support group. In her work, she says, she tries to meet people where they are. She also helps people identify the things they are grateful about at difficult time — Grateful for zoom calls. Grateful for work. Grateful that their loved one is free from physical pain and the fear of an ongoing pandemic.
The moon still rises. That challenge is often compounded when a child is lost, or a young person faces the death of a family member.
But facing those challenges in a pandemic adds another layer of complexity to the task. Smith has been working since April at Capital Caring Health, the largest non-profit provider of elder health, advanced illness, hospice, and at-home care services for the Maryland, Virginia, and Washington, D. Donna came to her role as a counselor after a midlife career change. At 35 she lost her mother, then five years later, her father died suddenly. After some introspection, Smith decided to leave her career in business.
Armed with a degree in accounting, she had worked in small businesses in a variety of roles, but had found herself gravitating away from the numbers side of the business to the personal, working in human resources.
She decided to become a counselor, and she gravitated to helping families cope with loss. The project had begun in as a single room within a hospice care facility set aside for the needs of children either housed in hospice care or visiting family members there. Smith went on to develop her part-time job into a full-fledged role as program director, serving in that role from to , and then took over as executive director of the non-profit.
She was credited with developing programs like Parenting While Grieving and the Teen Program during her tenure. In March, , as the Covid pandemic began to take hold, Capital Caring hired Smith to develop programs to help children deal with the crisis. For example, Smith cited the case of a mother and her two children, a year-old son and eight-year old daughter who had been home when their father suffered a fatal heart attack.
One of the older members of the group was a Harvard student whose parent had been killed in Oregon. They bonded and together created a theater piece, a project that helped them both.
The little girl would go on to form a performance group as a teenager, and later she became an art student. As the Capital Caring hospice staff members find themselves working with more children who are losing family members to the virus, the challenges are mounting. Creating community has been difficult in the current situation, given social distancing and the necessity of communicating virtually. The program also has developed family circle times, bringing multiple families together, and setting up break out rooms with activities for children.
One thing Smith has learned in her work, a lesson that has been underlined during the pandemic, is that children know how to work through grief, and often can talk more honestly about it than adults who sometimes are hampered by their reluctance to discuss their loss. The overwhelming burden of dealing with covid has made many people not wanting to think about the potential loss and that leads to avoidance. In her personal life, she draws comfort and support from her own two adult children and three grandchildren.
An avowed explorer of new things, she also enjoys reading and cooking. But it is the teamwork and the resiliency of children that she finds in her work that also bring her joy. Throughout her career, Tabitha has and continues to seek to accompany others in the promotion of wellness and alleviation of suffering. She first developed an interest in Hospice care during her undergraduate studies and returned to the field following various positions in primary care, community health, and long term care settings.
They enjoy walks in nature and spending time with their extended families. Extensive background in critical care, advanced heart failure, and multi-organ transplantation. Heidi Young has more than a decade of experience as a hospice and palliative care physician. She completed an internal medicine residency at the University of Chicago followed by a chief resident year at MacNeal Hospital in Chicago.
She returned to Washington, D. Young is based in Arlington, Virginia. Sherri Parker, LCSW, an experienced clinician with Capital Caring Health for plus years has served in a variety of social work roles including home care, long-term care and grief support. In this role, Sherri provided emotional support and counseling for individuals, couples, and families coping with challenges adjusting to serious illness, addressing increased caregiving needs and developing discharge plans.
Sherri guided patients and families in accessing community resources and navigating insurance issues. She is a licensed clinical social worker and member of NASW, who provides field instruction to graduate-level social work students at local universities, and clinical supervision to colleagues pursuing clinical licensure. She supported elderly patients and their caregivers through aging and health-related transitions, facilitated an over-the-phone discussion group for home-limited elders, and provided crisis intervention.
She has served as a faculty member for the Home Centered Care Institute, educating providers interested in starting home-based primary care practices. She also instructed undergraduate students on the topic of geriatric social work and cultural competency. After graduating from Georgetown, she spent a year volunteering full-time with the Jesuit Volunteer Corps in Albuquerque, New Mexico, where she served patients as a Clinic Coordinator at Casa de Salud, a family medical clinic.
After completion of her service year, Mandy returned to the Washington D. In her spare time, Mandy enjoys exploring the outdoors, playing any and all sports, and baking.
She loves these activities even more when she is joined by her family, friends, or six month old puppy. Virginia Commonwealth University School of Medicine. Allegheny General Hospital — Internal Medicine. University of Virginia — Nephrology. Riverside Family Practice — Family Practice.
Meharry Medical College — Internal Medicine. Albany Medical College. Albany Medical Center — Diagnostic Radiology. Boston University School of Medicine. Joseph Mercy Hospital — Internal Medicine. Carolyn Richar has plus years of nursing experience, certified hospice and palliative care nurse. Carolyn developed a deep love for hospice as a chaplain volunteer for Hospice of Northern Virginia now Capital Caring from to She returned in to work as a chaplain for the Prince William and Loudoun regions and then moved into the general manager position for the Prince William region in Carolyn has served as executive director for the Arlington region, including the Capital Caring Halquist Inpatient Center since She has also served in various roles including as a U.
Senate Staff aide on health care issues and as a nursing home administrator. Susan has served in the executive director role for Capital Caring Health offices in Loudoun and western Fairfax counties and she was also the executive director for Prince William and Fauquier counties from to Susan has also worked as clinical operations manager, clinical supervisor and RN case manager during her time with Capital Caring Health. The board is composed of more than leading experts competitively selected from industry, professional, trade, education, health care, and nonprofit including government organizations from across the United States.
In her role as Chief People Officer, Vivian has responsibility for Human Resources and Education, which includes talent acquisition, management and retention, compensation and benefits, regulatory compliance, policy development and staff development, training and education. David joined Capital Caring Health in and has plus years of experience in the healthcare. Prior to joining Capital Caring Health, he served as the Senior Vice President for Reimbursement and Regulatory Affairs of an organization providing ancillary support services to long-term care facilities throughout the United States.
He has held management positions in several of the largest teaching hospitals on the East Coast. David is an advanced member of the Healthcare Financial Management Association and is a past president of their Washington, D.
He is a graduate of the University of Maryland. Eric De Jonge, M. As Chief of Geriatrics at Capital Caring Health, he is leading efforts to build an array of health services for elders with advanced illness, including Primary Care at Home PHC , Social Services, and other needed senior health services.
In , Dr. De Jonge helped develop and advocate for a Medicare reform law called Independence at Home IAH to advance the field of home care medicine and reduce Medicare costs. The IAH demonstration began in and Dr. A native of Chicago, Dr. He trained in primary care internal medicine at Johns Hopkins Bayview and completed fellowships in health policy at Georgetown and Geriatrics at Johns Hopkins. Yale University School of Medicine. Carilion Clinic — Family Medicine. During his final year of residency, he served as Chief Resident.
Philadelphia College of Osteopathic Medicine. Gondar College of Medicine. He cancelled his engagement mere weeks before his wedding day more than a half century ago, wracked with a severe case of cold feet. But a few months separated from young Frances Peltzman humbled him, and by the spring he was calling on her again.
Fortunately for him, she agreed to take him back, and their elopement in the summer of opened the door to all the good things that followed. The couple went to the same high school and met on the bus to school. They divorced when Neil was 3. She and her boss Fred fell in love, a romance that necessitated a change in jobs for her — she became a telephone operator — and led to their marriage.
The family bought a house in Yardley, PA. Sydney Parker lived with his parents after he got sick, and Neil recalls visits to their house on weekends. Sometimes his father would take him bowling. Neil graduated from Pennsbury high school in Yardley and went on to college at Penn State. He played minor league football and earned his degree in rehabilitation education.
He was interested in working with people with disabilities like his father. During his senior year, Neil met Fran on a blind date. She was working at the New Jersey Department of Health at the time. They got engaged soon after Neil graduated from college and planned a big family wedding. But weeks before their big day, Neil cancelled the wedding. Fran was devastated. She quit her job and moved to New York City to start fresh.
But several months later his heart pulled him back and he went to find her again. He asked her to marry him again that weekend. She said no. With some coaxing from her best friend, Fran saw him again, and they agreed to get married. Their wedding almost did not happen a second time. One reissued official birth certificate later, they drove to Maryland and tied the knot on July 31, The only thing scarier was telling their parents.
And he did. The couple moved to Philadelphia and Neil got a job as a case worker. He made home visits to determine eligibility for public assistance. On weekends he served in the National Guard. On August , their daughter Sherri Lynn was born. A year later, Scott David was born. Neil went back to school in the evenings and got his Masters degree in Counseling and Guidance at Temple University. He got a job in Washington DC and the family moved to Virginia when Sherri was five years old and Scott was four years old.
He worked at the College Board, where he tested and counseled teenagers for college readiness. After two years, he was hired by DC government, where he worked with minority youth, including those who were disabled or who had been incarcerated, to help them find jobs. He later became a program analyst. They bought a house in Vienna when Frank was born.
Neil coached Little League on the weekends. And in the summers he took his kids to the same stretch of beach in Atlantic City that he used to go to as a child. He retired after 23 years with the DC government.
He missed working with youth, though, and for several years he was a substitute teacher in the Fairfax County schools. The children loved him, Fran recalls, and delighted in his stories — like the time he and Fran accidentally brought a gecco home in their suitcase from a vacation in Costa Rica.
They found it two days later in a roll top desk and set it free in a park, where the neighborhood kids would go and look for it. As their children grew up and got married, the Parker family became increasingly international. Neil and Fran welcomed a daughter-in-law from Mexico, another from Poland, and a third with Japanese ancestry who was born and raised in Lima, Peru. The extended family lives close to each other and they pitch in to help one another. Now his grandchildren go for walks with him and they are very happy to be quarantining together.
Neil still loves sports and rooting for the Nationals and the former Washington Redskins. When Sulaiman Bangura came to America from Sierra Leone 17 years ago at the age of 23, he was seeking a better life. The AAT has been one of those agencies called out. A recent report from the Grattan Institute found that almost a quarter of the political appointees at the AAT had failed to meet their performance targets.
The need for fearless, independent media has never been greater. Journalism is on its knees — and the media landscape is riddled with vested interests. Frydenberg appointed to Goldman Sachs.
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